Erdogan and the spread of terror
Turkey has sided with the Islamic State group, to the ire of
Washington, but Erdogan may not be immune to terrorist attacks staged by
takfiri militants
It had not been expected, that is true. But many, especially among the
intelligentsia, were not all that surprised by Cumhuriyet’s decision to
publish some images from Charlie Hebdo as a way of expressing solidarity
with the French satirical magazine whose staff members were murdered by
jihadists.
The government of the ruling Justice and Development Party (JDP) could
not let the incident pass without comment. President Recep Tayyip
Erdogan lashed out against the outspoken opposition newspaper. The
Istanbul public prosecutor summoned two of its staff members, Ceyda
Karan and her colleague Hikmet Çetinkaya, for questioning after pressing
charges of incitement to hatred and animosity via the media and of
insulting people’s religious values.
Saturday brought a development of a different order. About 500
demonstrators connected to a group calling itself the Fraternal Platform
of the Prophet’s Companions rallied in the forecourt of the Fatih
Mosque in the heart of historic Istanbul. Their purpose was to pray for
Cherif and Said Kouachi, responsible for the massacre at Charlie Hebdo,
and to chant slogans in support of Al-Qaeda.
As for Charlie Hebdo, they proclaimed: “The magazine has not died, but
its fate is death!” Police blocked the demonstrators from staging a
march around the historic mosque and participants soon disbanded.
The two contrasting scenes reflect the gulf in Turkish society that has
expanded into a chasm under JDP rule. On one side of this chasm stands
the religious conservatives and fundamentalists whose numbers are
steadily growing, with the support and encouragement of JDP elites.
These JDP elites, in turn, have been harsh criticised by Turkey’s
friends and allies. Two examples illustrate. The first is Italian Prime
Minister Matteo Renzi’s objections to the presence of his Turkish
counterpart, Ahmet Davutoglu, in the solidarity march against terrorism
that took place in Paris the Sunday before last. Davutoglu’s
participation did not come from the heart, Renzi said.
The second example came from former US ambassador to Ankara, Francis
Ricciardone, who said, “Turkey and the US no longer share the same
values.” Ricciardone was referring to the JDP government’s repression of
freedoms and its cooperation with Daesh (the Islamic State) and other
takfiri jihadists.
US State Department spokesperson Mary Harf was asked whether it was the
case that Washington and Ankara no longer shared the same values. She
refused to answer. Her silence spoke volumes: the US and Turkey are
drifting apart.
The trend has its origins in mounting US and Western concerns over
Ankara’s clampdowns on civil liberties and press freedoms and its
increasing authoritarianism. Erdogan’s boundless thirst for power at
home and regionally have driven him to increasing fanaticism in his
campaign to bolster fundamentalism and Islamicise Turkish society and
government.
According to Alon Ben-Meir, professor of international relations at New
York University, Erdogan has promoted religious beliefs as prime
criteria for key political and military appointments. At the same time,
he has doubled the number of schools for training clergymen.
It could be that the Turkish president’s zealotry is fed, in part, by
some wacky historiography. In November last year, Erdogan claimed that
Muslims had discovered America in 1178 and that Christopher Columbus had
mentioned seeing a mosque on a hill on the Cuban coast.
Be that as it may, there is little doubt that Turkish coffers have been
open to radical Islamist fundamentalist groups. Perhaps the most
telling evidence in this regard is in the recently leaked documents from
the Turkish General Staff indicating that this government body supplied
military support to Syrian opposition groups, including Al-Qaeda
affiliate Al-Nusra Front.
It appears that convoys carrying truckloads of weapons and other
military equipment rumbled across the Turkish border into northern
Syria. The existence of this military supply line lends considerable
weight to the belief that the Erdogan regime has close relations with
terrorist groups in Syria and Iraq, Daesh in particular.
Presumably, this should have immunised Anatolia to jihadist terrorism.
But as it turns out, the JDP’s Turkey has come into the terrorists’
crosshairs. Two weeks ago, Turkish security forces forestalled bombing
attacks against two shopping centres in Istanbul.
Turkish authorities do not rule out the possibility of attacks similar
to those that occurred in France, especially in view of the large number
of Turks that have joined the ranks of Daesh. According to some
estimates that government sources have not refuted, these are no less
than 12,000.
Minister of Customs and Trade Nurettin Canikli stepped forward to
reassure citizens. Turkey has the experience and knowhow to stop that
kind of terrorism, he said, adding that the government had drawn up
policies to confront it.
But then Teref newspaper revealed that security forces have unearthed
terrorist plans to attack coastal areas during the summer season.
Moreover, the attacks were to have been carried out by homegrown cells.
According to the newspaper, a Turkish Daesh recruit who took fought in
Syria returned home to Turkey to form a terrorist cell and coordinate
with cells in the coastal area.
Why are these terrorist organisations turning against the government
that boasts of its piety day and night? The answer could be that Ankara
is backing away from them, and once again trying to curry favour with EU
and the US. The pro-government Sabah newspaper reported on 6 January
that Turkey and the US will sign a memorandum of understanding to train
and equip 15,000 fighters from the Syrian opposition.
According to diplomatic sources cited by the newspaper, the programme
will begin in March. Some 100 US officers will come to Turkey to support
the training. Such a development would obviously incur the wrath of
Daesh.
Source: ahram
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