Tunisia’s jihadists: sons of
a nation in transition
Tunisia is still sending jihadists to Syria, albeit at a more modest
rate than before. Promises made by the Tunisian government to work on
restricting the phenomenon slowed the initial surge, but have not
brought it to an end. Over the last few months as the Islamic State
(ISIS) overran opponents in Syria and Iraq, Tunisian suburbia has seen a
wide ranging movement of enrollment into the group.
As few Tunisian jihadists have returned to their homeland from their
wars in foreign lands, their numbers abroad have steadily increased
since the beginning of the Syrian conflict in 2011. Today, approximately
5,000 Tunisians are “waging jihad” in Syria and Iraq. The vast majority
of them are fighting with ISIS, while a smaller number has joined the
Al-Nusra Front and Ahrar al-Sham. Approximately 2,000 of these Tunisian
jihadists have died in combat in Syria. These numbers come from Tunisian
civil society organizations, while state authorities admit to figures
that are almost as high.
However, what is more important than these estimates is that you
rarely meet anyone in Tunisia who does not know of a relative, neighbor,
colleague or friend who has “emigrated” to Syria. With the passage of
time many details connected to this phenomenon have become clear, and
discussion of the subject has become more coherent. The large number of
people with acquaintances who have gone on “jihad” in Syria, Iraq and
Libya indicates over 5000 Tunisians went to fight in Syria. It is rare
to find an area of Tunisia where there hasn’t been a case of a young man
who went to Syria.
You can meet an art-college teacher who tells you that the brother of
one of his female students was killed in Syria, a journalist who tells
you that the janitor in his building had a cousin who met the same fate,
or a businesswoman who says her housekeeper’s two sons went off to
fight. Everyone here in Tunisia has a story about “jihad” in Syria.
There are even many “security agents” - the name given to people working
in Tunisia’s intelligence agencies - whose brothers and relatives have
gone to fight with takfiri groups in Syria.
The phenomenon’s accumulative effect has made it possible to observe
new factors that “going abroad for jihad” did not witness in the past,
either in Tunisia or elsewhere. The new jihadists are not poor. Hailing
from middle or lower middle class groups, they are the sons of a modern
and corrupt education system who left the country at a time when that
system was going through a momentous upheaval brought by the revolution
and the post-revolutionary state. The large movement out of the country
that took place under the rule of the post-revolutionary state seems
almost like a disguised expulsion of groups whose relation to the
revolution and what followed it remained uncertain.
Almost sixty percent of them left for “jihad” shortly before they
were due to graduate from university, and they were not poor academic
performers. On the contrary, some of them were distinguished students.
Most had recently devoted themselves to religion, and many of them had
lived a wild life of alcohol and drug consumption. They devoted
themselves to religion only a few months before leaving Tunisia for
“jihad,” becoming more attached to rituals of piety and accelerating
their progression from one phase to another until reaching the climax of
“jihad.” This process unfolded over a few months, suggesting that the
world they were living in before devoting themselves to religion must
have collapsed completely during that short period.
A search for values
These youths are not destitute paupers as we previously thought when
the phenomenon began to take shape. Most of them have come from
Tunisia’s economically successful coastal areas; the areas that the Ben
Ali regime, and the Bourguiba regime before it, counted upon as the main
support base for their rule. Meanwhile, the inland areas, which are
seen today as the Islamist Ennahda movement’s support base, have made a
smaller contribution.
This is also a sign that the “jihad in Syria” phenomenon has been
fueled by the complete collapse of an economic, social and educational
system, and by a lack of values in the wake of the former regime’s
demise. However, this certainly does not mean that there is any direct
correlation between “jihad” and the values of the former regime. It
means there is a correlation between “jihad” and the collapse of that
regime, as for the most part the jihadists came out of that regime’s
strongholds.
They are the sons of the educational system Ben Ali’s regime
inherited from Bourguiba’s. They are also the sons of low-level civil
servants and employees in private companies that made their money from
jobs the regime institutionalized. They did not believe in the regime,
but they lived under its rule without incurring any great damage. They
are not traditionally the sons of pro-Ennahda families; some of them
belong to pro-RCD families (former supporters of Ben Ali’s party the
Constitutional Democratic Rally) and some of them are from families that
were not politically active in the past. This certainly does not mean
that Ennahda had nothing to do with their decision to “wage jihad.” In
fact many signs suggest that the Tunisian Islamist movement helped
facilitate their departure, especially during the time it was in power
between 2011 and 2014.
These brief impressions are the result of reading the profiles of 150
Tunisian jihadists who went to Syria and Iraq. The profiles were put
together by the Rescue Association for Tunisians Trapped Abroad, an
organization that includes several families of jihadists in Syria.
Amin al-Susi is a retired Tunisian army officer whose son Mohammad
went to fight, and died, in Syria. “My son was a distinguished student
in university,” he says. “He went to Syria around a month before
graduating. Even before he devoted himself to religion he was a
secretive young man. His relationship with his mother was very strong.”
There are three points in what Mohammad said about his son that recur
when the families of other jihadists in Syria talk about their
children. The first is high academic achievement that does not culminate
in graduation. The second is a strong relationship with the mother,
suggesting estrangement from the father or a response to the lack of any
relationship with the father. As for the third point, which was secrecy
and introversion in the case of Mohammad al-Susi, it varies from case
to case. Some youths were similar to Mohammad, while others came to
“jihad” from wild and radical lifestyles that deviated from traditional
values. Other youths were completely separated from family traditions
and were usually deeply engrossed in academic study.
Affluent lifestyle
Amm Hassan, who preferred not to use his real name because his son is
in prison, says that the young man went to Syria in March 2013. He
stayed there for around two months before calling his father and asking
him to pay for a ticket back to Tunisia from Turkey’s Hatay Airport.
When he returned he was arrested in the airport and imprisoned for forty
days before being released. Nevertheless, the young man soon regained
his enthusiasm when ISIS began its successful advances in Iraq and
Syria. He tried to leave the country again, but the Tunisian authorities
arrested him and three of his friends on the Libyan border, where they
were heading for a flight to Turkey and then Syria.
Amm Hassan says that his son Abdul Rahman returned from Syria after
losing his faith in “jihad,” but while he told his father stories of
emirs in the Al-Nusra Front who crossed over to ISIS and lived in
luxury, his Salafist friends gathered money to pay for plane tickets,
and then headed for Syria. The young man came back having lost his faith
in “jihad” then built his conviction back up. Like many others he was
on the verge of graduating from university. He was studying computer
science in Tunis University, where he was an exemplary student. Abdul
Rahman’s father says that a mosque and a computer were behind his son’s
recruitment on both occasions.
The father of Rashid, a young Tunisian man who left for Syria two
years ago and has not contacted his family since, distinguishes between
the Salafism of Ben Ali’s time, which he says was peaceful and the type
of Salafism that arrived with Ennahda. He says that his neighbor, who
lives in the Douar Hicher area, is peace-loving and does not own a
computer - a clear sign of the family’s conviction that a computer was
what corrupted their son’s mind. It seems that the families are firmly
convinced by the mosque-computer-Ennahda equation despite the fact that
their sons were never members of the Ennahda movement.
The new emigration
Over the past six months the phenomenon of travel to Syria has become
active once again. More groups have left from Douar Hicher, and a few
days ago news arrived that several young men were killed. Nidal Salemi
is one of the dead. His family in Douar Hicher received the news in a
telephone call from Syria. Nidal, who was 24-years old and had only been
in Syria for a few months, was Rashid’s second cousin.
The measures taken by the Tunisian government, rather than
effectively restricting travel to Syria seem only to have made it more
complicated. Family permission for travel to Turkey was the condition
set by the government to prevent young people heading to Syria. This was
sidestepped by heading to Libya first and after that to Turkey. When
travelers headed for Libya were put under scrutiny, people went to
Morocco, which Tunisians do not require a visa to enter, and from there
to Turkey.
They tried, they failed
In fact, the easy-going measures taken by the Tunisian government
make the questions raised by the families of these young jihadists worth
considering. The large number of young men leaving for “jihad” would
not have been able to grow if government measures had been serious. On
more than one occasion Interior Minister Lutfi Ben Jeddo, who still
holds the post he assumed under the former Ennahda government’s rule,
has provoked an uproar over the role his ministry played in the case.
While he says that around 9,000 Tunisian youths were prevented from
going to Syria, 600 jihadists are known to have left in the last three
months alone. Moreover, it was the same minister who unleashed the
“Jihad al-Nikah” media frenzy when he announced last year that 100 young
Tunisian women had returned from Syria after practicing “sexual jihad.”
Subsequently, the Minister of Women’s Affairs from the same government
revealed to
Al-Hayat that there was no truth to the statement
at all, and that her ministry had not been able to find any of the young
women the minister claimed had returned.
Ben Jeddo’s statement was interpreted as an attempt to cast doubt on
the jihadist phenomenon by spreading implausible stories that would make
attempts to explain it seem illogical and impossible to believe.
It is not neighborhoods, universities or mosques alone that made
Tunisian youths turn from their former lifestyles and devotion to
religion to a new type of piety; computers also played a role. That is
what their families constantly repeat to people who ask. These young men
isolate themselves in their rooms, stay up all night and sleep during
the day, says Rashid’s mother. Within a short period of time, they stop
telling their mothers what is happening in their lives, and after just a
few months they become jihadists—strangers within their own families.
Ahmad, who managed to unlock his brother’s computer after he left for
Syria, said that the idea of “jihad” takes root in the minds of young
men when they begin to tell a sheikh about past acts that make them feel
guilty. These feelings of guilt are usually related to dating a girl,
drinking alcohol or frequenting a bar. The sheikh then begins to amplify
the young man’s feelings of guilt, turning them into major offenses for
which the young man has to do a great deal for penance, the ultimate
penance being “jihad in Syria.”
Universities are not tolerating this sheikh-disciple relationship and
mosques are open to monitoring by security forces, especially after the
international pressure Tunisia has been subject to since ranking as the
top country exporting jihadists. The direct relationship between sheikh
and disciple has proved to be the most effective recruitment technique.
Ahmad found out that Rashid’s sheikh is Tunisian and managed to
discover his identity. It also transpired that the man has a son the
same age as Rashid, who he did not sent on “jihad.”
Source: Al Hayat