What's on deck in Libya: an oil rich nation nearing anarchy
Mentre il mondo concentra da mesi la sua attenzione sul Medio Oriente, più specificamente sulla Siria e l'Iraq, un'altra nazione nella regione è minacciata dallo spettro triste delle lotte interne e dall'anarchia: la Libia...
Only three years after the Libyan Revolution, Libyan citizens are
wondering which parliament they should view as legitimate as only two
entities claim the title. The first is the lawfully elected Libyan
Parliament, elected by national suffrage in June of this year. The
second parliament laying claim to legitimacy is the self-proclaimed
"National Parliament." The National Parliament is an Islamic-bent party
constituted of remnants of the former Libyan National Parliament, which
was dissolved upon the June elections. Notable in these elections was
the poor faring of Islamist candidates.
To further complicate matters, the elected parliament had to flee the
state capitol, Tripoli, in the late summer due to the escalation of
violence between Islamist and sectarian militias. The parliament has
since relocated to Tobruk in the northeastern region of Libya.
Meanwhile, The National Parliament has claimed its headquarters in the
capitol and has appointed a shadow Prime Minister, Omar al-Hassi, to
provide an substitute for the legally appointed Prime Minister, Abdullah
al-Thinni, whose office is currently located in Tobruk, as well.
During this past August, two alliances of militias battled intensely
for control of Tripoli. On one side stood the Zintani Militia-led
coalition, a self-proclaimed nationalist coalition that claims to resort
to arms to protect Libya from the rise of militant, political Islam. On
the other side of the court stood the Misrata Militia-led Libyan Dawn
coalition. This coalition, although heavily Islamist, is also
economically motivated. It has city-based militias, Islamic
fundamentalist groups, as well as Berbers (a minority group in Libya)
amongst its membership.
The prize of the one-month conflict, which was won by Libyan Dawn,
was Mitiga Airport, the only functional airport in Tripoli due the
destruction of Tripoli International Airport amid unending battles in
the capitol. The airport had been held by the Zintani Militia since the
overthrow of Qaddafi in 2011. From here, the 'one million dollar
question' presents itself: Why is the control of the airport so
important to these entities that are vying for power? The 'one million
dollar answer' is simple: He who controls Tripoli's airport, controls
the distribution of much aid, oil, food, and water to other cities
throughout Libya. Hand-in-hand with the Libyan Dawn takeover of Tripoli,
the National Parliament has surged back into the spotlight in Tripoli,
as mentioned above.
Curiously, since Libyan Dawn has seized control of Tripoli, Libyan
oil exports have surged. While the daily oil exports amounted to a
meager 160,000 barrels through July 2014, they have surged to 900,000
barrels a day at present. If a certain group is controlling the majority
of the revenues generated from these exports, it will most certainly
have deep coffers for arms procurement and recruitment.
Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are extremely concerned
about the recent developments in Libya—not only of the rise of Islamist
militias across the country, but also of the Muslim Brotherhood's role
within Libya. In late August, the two nations launched joint air strikes
on Libyan Dawn targets in Tripoli that were fighting the Zintani
Militia. These strikes were not coordinated with the Western powers and
allegedly irked the U.S. administration. Egypt and the UAE simply
responded by communicating that the situation in Libya—most specifically
the rise of militant, political Islam—is being dangerously ignored by
the West. Despite their intervention, Egypt and the UAE were
unsuccessful in preventing the Zintani Militia from being driven from
Tripoli.
Egypt and the UAE have also supported Libyan General Khalifa Haftar's
forces in Benghazi against the Islamist coalition led by Ansar
al-Sharia. Haftar and his supporters, however, were driven out of the
city in late-August by the Islamist militias. The Ansar al-Sharia led
coalition presently controls Benghazi and also seized a large portion of
Haftar's weapons, ammunition and vehicles.
At the other end of the proxy war spectrum lie Qatar, Sudan and
Turkey. Qatar has been accused by members of the current elected Libyan
parliament of supporting the Islamic militant groups in the country.
Qatar, although rather inexperienced in foreign affairs and in steering
international conflicts, is flush in cash from its oil and natural gas
revenues and allegedly opening up its coffers to assist Islamist groups
in the region, including militant ones. Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the UAE
have all voiced their concern with Qatar's support to terrorist and
militant Islamic entities in both Syria and Libya. Ahmad al-Hirati, the
Mayor of Tripoli, has recently accused Qatar, as well as Turkey and
Sudan, of financially and logistically supporting militant Islamists
from Yemen to enter Libya from Sudan. These militants, consequently,
have joined the Libyan Dawn coalition and assisted them in tilting the
scales in their favor.
Other
disconcerting events have also occurred in the past year and half, but
have gone relatively unnoticed in the Western media. On August 29th,
Yussuf Ali al-Seiffar, the lead military prosecutor for terrorist crimes
in Libya, was assassinated by a car bomb. In August 2013, the vehicle
of Nataliya Apostolova, the European Union Ambassador to Libya, was
attacked in Tripoli. In April 2013, the French Embassy in Tripoli was
bombed. One must also remember that U.S. Ambassador Christopher Stevens
was killed by Ansar al-Sharia-affiliated elements in Benghazi on the
anniversary of September 11th in 2012 (although this did generate a
great deal of media coverage). There have been scores of assassinations
in Benghazi over the last several months, including political
candidates, government officials, and journalists. These targets have
included Islamists, as well as secular figures.
Expanding our Focus and Priorities
In light of all of these events, and the disparate, fractionalized
state of Libya, the West must pay heed and ensure that it does not
ignore a dangerous and downward-spiraling situation. With all the media
focus on the Islamic State's (IS) inroads in Syria and Iraq, this can
easily occur. Libya has a glut of arms circulating in its territory due
to the ransacking of the Qaddafi arsenal after his downfall in 2011. The
chaotic state of Libya makes it impossible to pinpoint which groups
have arms and exactly what arms they possess (there were obviously no
chain of custody forms signed, nor were inventories established upon
Qaddafi's demise). Add the regional conflicts that surround Libya, and
the terrorist groups attached to them, and you have a recipe for serious
concern.
The close proximity of regional Islamic terrorist conflicts to one
another is a cause for great concern for the West. Within the North
African and Middle Eastern regions, there are ongoing Islamic terrorist
conflicts in Mali, Algeria, Libya, northern Egypt, Yemen and Syria/Iraq.
The balloon effect comes into play with each concerted effort against
the terrorist and insurgent organizations in these countries as
terrorist soldiers slip away like water to join other nearby, kindred
conflicts. Just look at the example of the robust Saudi Arabian response
to al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) from 2006-2008 and the
resulting export of the group to Yemen, where it is currently domiciled
and very active.
The
West would do well to also reflect on its interventions and foreign
policy in the region, as it presently assesses the dire situations in
Iraq and Libya. First, it must realize that democracy is a very
difficult concept to introduce to countries that have been ruled by the
sword for generations. Second, "Zeitgeist" does not always possess
permanence, such as the regional clamor for democracy during the Arab
Spring in 2011 and the short-lived democratic experience that ensued.
There are always vested interests and groups looking to seize the
political and economic opportunities that present themselves in times of
political turmoil. As the perennial argument between the utopians and
the realists plays itself out in the region, it seems that the realists
have the current bragging rights. Lastly, if a policy of intervention
and support for the change or overthrow of regimes in North Africa or
the Middle East is to be pursued, the West must ensure that it
understands the risks involved and that is has a long term plan in place
for the new paradigms. These risks can include the creation of vacuums,
anarchy or the rise of a regime that is less desirable than its
predecessor.
There must exist a long-term plan for interventions such as the one
in Libya. The military intervention of NATO, the toppling of Qaddafi,
and the delivery of a book entitled, "Enjoy Democracy," is probably not
going to bring long-term stability to the region; it is simply too
volatile to endure an additional vacuum such as the one that is
unfolding in Libya. From a Western foreign policy standpoint, there may
now exist too many regional hotspots for the West to effectively
contain. Military interventions such as those in Iraq, Afghanistan,
Libya, Mali and now Syria cost millions of dollars. And in times of
tighter purses, the West's ability to continue to engage in multiple
conflicts of this nature has become more limited.
Similar to the situation in Syria, as Libya fragments further into
splintered warfare amongst a plethora of militias, the West may not have
a viable option for intervention to effectively stem the darker
specters of the Islamic terrorist groups. To counter the rise of such
insurgent groups, there must be a viable counterforce to which to lend
financial support, arms and training. There must also be stable
locations to deliver these items to. In Libya, as in Syria, the West
does not have a viable force to side with to counter the rise of the
more heinous terrorist groups.
Furthermore, the West, most specifically
the United States, is not willing to use its own ground troops in a new
conflict. This "catch-22" does not portend good times to come for the
Libyan citizenry, nor for their immediate neighbors. The first thing
that the United States and its allies must do, however, is to place
significant diplomatic pressure and leverage on Qatar, Turkey, and Sudan
in order to dampen the money, foreign fighters, and weapons that are
flowing into to Libya in support of terrorist organizations and other
militant Islamic groups.
These flows are accelerating Libya's path
towards anarchy, or something even worse. The West cannot forget about
this country just because the big man is gone.
Source: siteintelgroup.com
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